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 A publication of short communist literature by Lesley Zore

Year 3, release 9 – May 2021;  the Author is Lesley Zore.

THE SETTING OF CAPITAL –   9 Lesley Zore (ze/zer, they/them, she/her)

Special edition:  "Lesgorod Perfection"



An Index of Content.




The Theory of Post-Self-Intersection Interactionism (English)


Lesgorod - The Common Utopia (English)


The Marxist Declaration (English)


Boj proti fašizmu se prične z bojem proti boljševizmu (1, 2, 7)

(Slovenian translation)


A Marxist Critique of Auroville (English)


Ustava Republike Slovenije (Slovenian)


Aaaa (English)




Contacts (LESLEY ZORE):

Discord: Lesley Zore (they/ze/she)#0828

YouTube: Lesley Zore








The Theory of Post-Self Intersection Interactionism (English, by Lesley Zore)

Introductory Headings

For decades, various feminists, critical theorists queer theorists, and sociologists in general, have presented expansions to our understanding of identity, symbolic and effective interaction, the self, and intersectional social factors of our very existance.

Whenever a new stage of understanding of sociology is approached, we cringe at how fabulously blinded we were all along. Transgender questions, so well explained by theorists in the latest decade, had been silenced and restrained numerious times before seeing the light of day. Now we feel like we are, at least academically, approaching some basic understanding of identity, of intersection, and of the self in this very society. Let us ask ourselves a question: does such progress ever end? Are we going to approach some capped amount of "wokeness" and remain there? Is it all explainable away?

To prevent both an infinite positive loop of theorising and millenia necessary for uncovering all interaction and intersection present in our identities, it may be necessary to break down the whole system. Why blunder in the darkness of the social struggle and misery, why entertain the ideas of advanced sociology one by one; shall we not grab the straw, shan't we uncover the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth?

I have thus decided to end this nursery tale of progressivism with a reconstruction of the understanding of a being itself.

To be exact: queer theory and related fields of sociology, though correct and fabolous in their nature, have insofar failed to strike the root of the problem: what IS that they are discussing? Is there a way to understand all possible cultural progress at once, while avoiding exclusionary and conservative thought?

The Micro

It is impossible to talk of a human being without talking of the human being itself. This tautological statement guarantees to us a need for understanding the nature of the self. In a mind, there is information - a ton of it. it generates, or is in some way capable of, self-awareness based on this information. This self-awareness must be cognitive for the self to exist, and must be dialectical for it to process. In one word, the self is a pile of information, capable of dialectical and cognitive consciousness.

What is a human being but itself? A human does possess organs on which it depends; it as well consists of its bacteria, and of its blood. However, those are not crucial for one's operations. A human's function could be undertaken by a beheaded brain, supplied by sufficient blood and other basic inputs. Furthermore, the brain alone can do. As the brain is but a complex chemical-electric machine, it must be but some information, processing itself. The concept of a self applies to it: the self is the human being, the self is the identity, the self is the personality. There is no necessary distinction between one's personality, identity, self, or consciousness.

We can observe the definition of a self we've derived possesses interesting qualities of fade. Say there is information, running around one's head, some of it processing itself, some unreliant on the awareness. It is not easy to say what is a part of the self and what isn't: the self is not a contained universe, but is a concentration: the self is a relative concentration of information.

Thus a personality must be a relative concentration of information, which is capable of cognitive and dialectical consciousness.

One brian may have more than one concentration of information. Say there is a lot of information, which interacts with itself, and another pile, doing just so. One's brain thus generates two identities, two personalities, or at times, more.

Advancing this conclusion, we can see the need for separation of two terms.

The self is a relative concentration of information, which is capable of dialectical and cognitive consciousness.

An intelligent system is a concentration of selves or a single self, distinct enough to succeed from the environment.

We must thus abolish the thought of a self being a separate unit, at most influenced by the environment. The idea of a unified and inseparable tabula rasa, which shall be dictated upon constructively and with certain distance, needs to be abolished. The enlightened idea of the separate individual is beautiful ethically in accordance to its own ethics, but it does not provide any self-justification. Bodily autonomy, gender abolition, abolition of a role-based society, the creation of a classless, moneyless and stateless society, in which the means of production are controlled by the masses democratically, and the economy is commodified, is possibly solely through the abolishment of the idea of self as a clear and separable reality; and its replacement with the idea of a muddy-watered, fading-in-fading-out, not clearly resolvable, blending with society, self.

The only way to understand the needs of each individual is to understand them. We must thus recognize an individual as a pile of information, not as a separate unit. As we come closer to the center of the information, more of us is a part of that individual; as we depart from its epicenter, we return to the unoccupied intelectual plane.

Queer and intersectional transfeminist theory about the self, about gender, about plurality, about identity, is thus revealed as true. However, it must not be understood through digging a hatch into the individual. Instead, I have now deconstructed the individual. We now where the queer research must lead to: we should not only abolish the ideal of a gender, but also the ideal of a self.

I have thus opened a new chapter in Queer Theory, a chapter which brings us into a funky and complicated understanding of a human being; not a free person of their own identity, but a random concentrate-point of field-fluctuations. As such, let plurality rule. Everyone should be plural. Genderization shall end too. And soon, we shall all disappear as selves, blend into a single hivemind, or realise we are only a number of self-consciousness epicenters of information, interacting with one another, computer programs inside a fine electro-chemical wiring.

"And, you know, there's no such thing as society. There are individual men and women and there are families." This line of thought has to be eliminated, reduced to ashes. There are no individuals, there are no families.

However, is there a society?

The Macro

Society needs to be abolished. There needn't be any hierarchies between intelligent systems, and with time, between selves. As social and economic conditions advance, it may become simpler for selves to exist and function in accordance with their own information-processing patterns, than is for each self to colonise another.

Society fails to exist once the intellectual needs of all are met with no social interaction between the selves. Should all relative concentrations of information, capable of dialectical and cognitive consciousness be made digital on some common computer, on a common system of intelligences, and should each be independant, self sufficient and not reliant on the word of another, we may approach a society, where the need for a society is only imaginary. This stage of society, which may be understood as a regression of activity to a biased observer on the current-day Earth, may be a natural consequence of the fulfillment-oriented mind we are. With the creation of humanoid and überhumanoid artificial intelligence, many forms of selves which may require interaction in the way we currently do may be developed. However, a writable file may ever be influenced by an illusion, or may have its program turned off forever, without dying or being damaged in any way, shape or form.

Even before the creation of a digital non-society, the society as we know it today will die off. Not only will a classless society using transhumanism to advance humanity to its natural conclusion have a number of special characteristics; it won't be a society.

Given the need for the understanding of the self as non-existent in any other form than in the form of a relative concentration, the society in which such an individual is always free according to itself, must not pressure an intelligent system to behave according to a single self, or some societally preferred shape of a self.

Such a society is post-interactionist. This is of course impossible for as long as selves are created. Thus the lack of societal pressure must mean the lack of any biased, mistakenly weighted, coercive, or conservative upbringing, influence or violent suggestion.

The society must thus disappear with the disappearance of social functions: once there is no socio-economic need, for there is no class interest, for violence and poverty, for coercive force and struggle, for repression and revolution, there cannot be a society. There can be only a post-social, rotting system, where the idea of a self is obliterated, and the idea of a society as well.

The society must be obliterated.

Lesleyan Degrees of A Social Construct Theory within Post-Self Interactionism

The theories are completely compatible and present no challenge to one another since the theory of construct degrees is micro-sociological and the theory of post-self interaction is fusion of micro- and macrosociology. The micro elements of the latter do not argue against the degrees theory, but do derive a clearer definition of an individual, their self and their intellectual system.

Counter-Functionalist Aspects of Post-Self Interactionism

Is there an interactionism but societal on the self? Such a question poses trembles to the post-self theory of interaction within the Lesleyan analysis of multi-degree role-inverse functions.

Considering the cry for the abolition of the society and the unity of the individual - that of the common and that of the singlet - what are the competences of true liberty to persist? Are there the declared concentrations of information in the absence of enforceable interaction and functionalism?

Building on the dissolution of the norm, a net persists. Not only do social and cultural capital become available to all of us; they become disposable, though for some deplorable. Value form cannot exist under socialism. Only then, are happiness, willful behavior, and further auto-conditioning, no longer a mere translation of the monetary.

Dismantling the social sanction and installing in its place a counter-reactionary cultural element in the form of mutual aid, we no longer require the functionalist society to manage the slightest determinant in the being of the self within the axiomed value of arriving at a stateless, classless and moneyless society, where the means of production are controlled by the workers and the economy is decomodified - a perfect utopia where each contributes in accordance with their own abilities and all receive following their personal needs.


LESGOROD - The Common Utopia   (English, by Lesley Zore)

An In-Depth Inquiry And Investigation Into A Planned City Advancing in The Social Transition into A Communist Society Throughout The "D"otP


Challenges, posed by a worker-governed society, following the abolition of the class state, the democratisation of the ownership of the means of production, and the decommodification of the economy, present a need to plan an exemplified socialist society. This has been conducted numerous times in a form of a critical utopia (a fictional technocracy) such as in the Riga Commune (Lesley Zore, 2021). It has been done a few times on a purely theoretical and urbanistic plain as well. However, it has never been done, assuming the socialist "state" could abolish the class-state already. Instead of a governless state, we are left with a stateless government, slowly abolishing with the centralisation both the self and the society. In this progress towards a communist society, city planning, societal moderation and urban development must meet a new style of people's self-administration.

Eco-marxism has to be fulfilled by creation of densely populated socialist-relaist mikrorayons. Minimal travel times, walkability, and suburbanisation are crucial.

The social element of a socialist city (Sotsgorod - Lesgorod) requires walkable distances, accessible infrastructure, and phenomena-friendly accessory design.

This whole programme becomes useless with the fall of a central government. With the establishment of communism, no central planning is centralised anymore, and a technocratic self-administration in this very sense becomes fully impossible. Following this, everything is managed in accordance with communist post-transitory theories.


It is key for our socialist urban planning to be seperated into regions, further subdivided into cities, then into districts, and finally mikrorayons. If necessary, every building shall have its own governorship.

When in socialism the class state is abolished in favour of a government, the transitory phase preceding the "abolition of the society," as described in Socialism And Its Tendencies (Lesley Zore, 2021), requires some form of collective agreement on the planning of organisational units, thus requiring a clear distinction of these units, while untying the antagonism between the city and the rural life and power.

At the base of the city, there is a human being. As derived by Sotsgorod (N. A. Miliutin), the unification of the city and the countryside, the cultural progress, the gender abolition, etc., requires for a human's unit to be represented by a bedroom, a daily place and their hygiene room [such as a bathroom]. This can be extended by a balcony and additional commodity rooms. If necessary, two or more people can reside in the same housing unit such as the one described in this paragraph, however, this is highly discouraged, as all society is evil, people are evil, and it is grotesque to live with another "human" being. It must be ensured no person in a living unit may be granted any power over another.

These living units (flats), stacked one on another and around each other, must constitute blocks of flats. Each block of flats must have:

 - a central staircase, a fire-evacuation staircase, a bike-parking underground room, a bunker;

 - two lifts, and an additional lift for every 50 people;

 - a fire extinguisher for every 4 flats;

 - a common multi-purpose restaurant for every 40 flats;

 - a common laundry room for every 20 flats;

 - a Residential Assembly - a room for calling decisions on:

         - block events;

         - execution of decisions requested by higher administrative units inclusive to this block;

         - other administrative, executive, organisational, logistic or otherwise necessary minor and limited activities and block-adaptations;

         - suspension of mikrorayon's authority for a duration of two weeks, with a possible veto by a local court or an equivalent institution.

In older districts, non-Lesgorod houses, minor blocks and other non-block buildings may be considered blocks of flats as well.

The blocks of flats then organise into mikrorayons. The distribution of flats into mikrorayons is developed ahead of raising the building by the authority planning the sub-district. This is reviewed once a year by a yearly-elected mikrorayon review team. The residents of a block of flats may ever block a decision by a review team by a 50% simple majority of the block of flats. In general, mikrorayons are groups of blocks of flats, between which there is greenery and pedestrian areas. Mikrorayons are then positioned into a grid with alleys in between them. The unnatural grid may be rendered beautiful by funky, non-square shapes of mikrorayons (such as in the densely populated sections of the Šiška and Bežigrad districts in Ljubljana).

Each block of flats elects one delegate to the Mikrorayon's Assembly of a mikrorayon. If the block has more than 20 residents, it is allowed additional 1 delegate for every 10 residents. The Mikrorayon's Assembly may only manage liquid business. The mikrorayon must hold a vote on appending or removing permissions from the Mikrorayon's Assembly. 70% simple majority is required to pass an additional permission, and 40% to retract it. There must be an additional law, defining the maximum permissions a mikrorayon may have; these cannot be extended by a local referendum, unless the law defines a specific exception for some very exact case(s).

Each Mikrorayon's Assembly with more than 200 people is required to be platformed by at once hosting at least 40% women, at least 18% non-binary people, at least 28% non-binary or transgender people, at least 22% BIPOC+ people, at least 30% neurodivergent people, and other interest groups may be appointed in the future, by the mikrorayon or by higher authorities. If a mikrorayon fails to follow these guidelines, its board is dissolved in seven days, and an election is held. If four elections in a row do not produce a sufficiently diverse interest board, the authority of the mikrorayon's assembly is terminated for two weeks, and the mikrorayon is placed under an emergency board selected by a city government. In three weeks, elections are held again, and then every two weeks, until a sufficiently diverse board is found. If a sufficiently diverse board is not found in 60 days following the creation of the emergency board of the mikrorayon, a new election may proceed without the divergency requirements. However, the divergency requirements do come back in place in 30 days following this.

All mikrorayons must have all services used in most residents' daily lives at most 300 meters from each block of flats in the mikrorayon.

All mikrorayons which are in a chain-connection, where no mikrorayon may be more than 400 meters away from their closest mikrorayon, are considered a city - a Lesgorod.

Lesgorod administration is built of syndicates.

Each workplace within the city has a workplace, where decisions are taken sociocratically - and platformistically, when sociocracy is not possible. If peaceful platformism is not possible, the assigned local court may intervene.

Each worker is a member of a single syndicate, where they acquire and create theoretical knowledge, advice and techniques on their field of work. Those present in the syndical headquarters for more than four hours per week are awarded an activity status. All with a syndical activity status, who also have a bachelor's or higher degree in their field of work, may candidate for syndical governors. Syndical governors are then selected at random, with 20 signatures by members of that syndicate necesarry to disallow a candidate from running (this being possible only if more than 15 candidates exist at the given point in time). 10 syndical governors are selected [at random, as pointed out]. Should a syndical governor die, or should two months pass since the last election, a new syndical governor board is elected.

The syndical governor board may intervene in local court rulings over unresolved workplace platformism in a workplace the workers of which originate, in majority, in the intervening syndicate. Any member of the syndicate may produce written statements for the syndical governor board. This may incentivise workplaces to remain mostly under a single syndical board each, while not being monopolized by one fully.

Syndicates are set up by workers at will by self-administrative initiatives, and are registered to the government.

A syndicate may only span a single city, and may not have more than 20'000 members (or it may have that many or more if and only if 70% of them operate within a single workplace).

Each syndicate sends delegates to the Lesgorod Committee (a city platform):

 - at most 1 delegate for syndicates sized from 1 to 15 workers;

 - at most 2 delegates for syndicates sized from 16 to 35 workers;

 - at most 5 delegates for syndicates sized from 36 to 200 workers;

 - at most 10 delegates for syndicates sized from 201 to 600 workers;

 - at most 70 delegates for syndicates sized from 601 to 5000 workers;

 - at most 200 delegates for syndicates beyond 5001 workers in size.

Syndical delegates to the Lesgorod Committee are selected in the following way:

 - everyone with a master's degree may candidate (or a Bachelor's degree if there are no master's degrees in a syndicate (or no degree if there aren't any degrees in a syndicate));

 - the X amount of people who've gathered the highest amount of "promotion signatures" from syndical members win (X being the highest number of delegates the syndicate is allowed; note that in the case of a draw, all drawn candidates fail to be promoted (unless this would lower the number of delegates below 20% of the number X; in such a case, random 40% of the delegates who got the highest amount of "promotion signatures" are promoted)).

The authorities given to the Lesgorod committee are defined by city-wide referendums in a similar way mikrorayon's authority is defined, where city government is limited by law as well.

Each Lesgorod elects 10 people out of people who have written at least 15 books to become General Delegates. They are elected in the same way syndical members are given "promotions". What is a "book" is defined by being held by the National University Library in accordance with the Slovenian NUK system. A "book" may be also considered a "book" if defined as such by Lesley Zore. If there aren't at least 30 people in the city who have written at least 15 books, the number of books required is lowered to 7. If this does not produce 50 candidates, the requirement is lowered to 3 books. If this does not produce 60 candidates, the book requirement is dropped fully.

All Syndical Governors of Synicates of 50-200 workers then vote for 2 General Delegates out of initial 10, leaving only 2 per city.

Out of remaining 2 General Delegates per each Lesgorod, one is chosen at random as the judge appointer for the city. The other is made a part of the Humanitarian Commission.

The Humanitarian Commission may with a simple 35% vote put vetos on the World Commission.

1000 members of the Humanitarian Commission are made World Assembly Commissars.

Out of members of the Humanitarian Commission who have written at least 20 books, one is chosen as the General Secretary of the World Assembly. They collect proposals for new laws from the members of the World Assembly, which must pass with a simple 55% majority of the World Assembly and a simple 65% majority of the humanitarian commission.

At least once every year, a constitution is drawn by the General Secretary. It must be approved by a worldwide referendum which must result in a 52% absolute majority for the constitution to change.

Any human is able to launch a Constitutional Appeal. Upon reaching 10'000 signatures in 14 days from the passing of the bill, it may veto a bill. The veto is valid, unless some group manages to scramble 20'000 signatures in 14 days following that in support of the bill. This is continued by the same 14 day 50'000 signatures scramble. Then comes 21 days - 200'000. Then comes 21 days - 1'000'000. Then comes 21 days - 10'000'000. Then comes 21 days - 100'000'000. This then continues with a multiplication by "10" each time.

No person may hold a position at the same time in two governmental offices, unless a position in one is a requirement or a standard expectation for another, or a similar condition is affirmed true, as defined by the law.

Those with degrees from the Faculty of Humanist Studies or the Faculty of Social Studies are given priority in administrative selection of position-holders.


Lesgorod consists of a number of mikrorayons, positioned in a grid. Within each mikrorayon, there are pedestrian areas, parks, playgrounds. Only light traffic is produced within a mikrorayon (by foot, by bike…; there may be a single or two traffic lanes, at most.). There are small shops etc. [these shops are free ("to each according to their ability"), thus sometimes referred to as "storages.] in every mikrorayon. On the outskirts of every mikrorayon, there are bigger storages, restaurants and other services (such as pharmacies, small schools, etc.)

The grid separating mikrorayons must not be one of squares, but rather one of a "mess". There must be minimal motorised-vehicle lanes for inter-mikrorayon transit. A resounding majority of this transit, however, shall be managed by trams, subways, busses, and other means of public transit. The lanes must be all separated by greenery. There must be underpasses for pedestrians, comfortable for wheelchairs and bicycles. It may be best to create roundabouts in place of casual crossroads. Given the inter-mikrorayon transit logistics, how the person needs not to cross the road, but rather to travel by the road and cross it at some point only, it may be enough to create pedestrian crossings at those roundabouts only. Those may begin to lose traffic lights with the implementation of self-driving vehicles, in both personal and public transit.

Although there are local services in the mikrorayon, they are intended for day-to-day use only. Other services (the university, specific high schools, etc.) may reach a bigger number of mikrorayons, covering the population of the city with a single position (for example, do not create a seperate university institution for each mikrorayon of 2'000 people).

The city authority may create committees for management of local-specific issues, transfering parts of its own authority over to them.


The height of mikrorayon's outermost blocks must be kept at the width of the grid-lane-system; the height of the internal blocks at the width of the pedestrian and other areas separating the blocks. Thus, a U ratio (1:1:1) between the left-flanking, the road, and the right-flanking of the main transit lines is guaranteed, and better inter-mikrorayon urbanism is established. The same effect is produced within a mikrorayon. The width of the light-traffic space matching the block height allows for huge green areas. This, combined with a requirement of the outermost blocks of flats of a mikrorayon touching one another, provides a fabulous noise isolation for the green areas on the inside of the mikrorayon from the streets, already only moderately noise-polluted (since public transit is encouraged).

Bunkers and underground facilities of blocks of flats of the same mikrorayon may be connected underground. There may be certain accessory facilities for the bunkers in small artificial hills only meters in size, positioned between the blocks, covered by greenery, also usable by those who wish to climb them, or by children for play. In some cases, as determined by special committees designed by the city authorities, there may be a need to connect the undergrounds of multiple mikrorayons into a single underground system, if need be connected to the subway system and other similar infrastructure.

In mikrorayons where this is possible according to the shaping and size, especially ones with a square block frame, there is to be a passage from the grid system into the inside of the mikrorayon on all four sides of a mikrorayon, allowing for light traffickers to conduct inter-mikrorayon travel through mikrorayons instead of consistently following a traffic-filled alley. As far as this is possible, the entry into a mikrorayon is to be positioned on the opposite side from the entry into the mikrorayon on the opposite side of the road.


Each building must hang the following artifacts:

 - a small portrait of Karl Marx;

 - a small portrait of Peter Kropotkin;

 - a giant portrait of Lesley Zore;

 - all desired socio-political and other flags, as approved by a simple 55% vote of the block, on proposal of signatures of any 2%+ of residents of the block.


On the inside of mikrorayons, there must be benches (a bench per 20 residents of the mikrorayon). Benches must be built in a way where it is comfortable to both sit and lie on them. We should not shape them in a way which disallows homeless people from getting some sleeping platform. However, homelessness is to be apriori managed by confiscation of flats owned by investors and by filling parts of hotels.

The inter-mikrorayon transit grid surface requires a mixed garbage bin every 40 meters on each side of the road. On the inside of the mikrorayon, there must be one such bin for every 150 square meters of greenery. There must additionally be a giant organised trash disposal system within every mikrorayon (ex. 50 boxes for trash, each 1 cubic meter in size). Mikrorayons with more than 500 residents get additional organised trash disposal systems for every 700 residents. Trash disposals and bins must be accessible to everyone (that is, do not implement an ID-based access system for trash disposal, such as has been implemented in the central regions of Ljubljana, Slovenia).

In cities where this is geographically possible, especially if advantageous, there has to be an average of 0.9 to 1.1 drinkable water fountains per mikrorayon.

There must be public free wi-fi or higher equivalent technology all across the city, across all the inter-city infrastructure and throughout all populated countryside. Additional extensions into recreational countryside areas and similar surfaces are expected.


The educational system is to be run in accordance with other Lesleyist programs.

Furthermore, there must be a university in each Lesgorod of more than 200'000 residents. Any university in a city of over 700'000 residents must have the following faculties.

1. The Faculty of Humanist Studies. Programs:

 - Analytical-theoretical sociology

 - Analytical-theoretical politology

 - Marxian and post-modernist philosophy

 - Post-capitalist civilisational studies

 - Culturology

 - Anthropology

 - Lesleyism

 - Transhumanist Studies

 - Intersectional-Transhumanist Studies

 - Studies of Transition into A Communist Society

 - Queer Theory, Intersectional Transfeminism and Queer Anarchism

2. The Linguistic Faculty. Programs:

 - English

 - Yuzak

 - Interslavic

 - Simplified Chinese

 - Spanish

 - General Linguistics

 - Comparative Linguistics

 - Simultaneous and general translation

3. The Literary Faculty. Programs:

 - Comparative Literature

 - World Literature in a Culturological Context

 - Lesleyist Politology and Literature

 - Library Studies

 - Literary Management Studies

4. The Faculty of Social Studies. Programs:

 - History

 - Social Geography

 - Historical Materialism and Interactionism

 - A Critique of Political Economy through a Societal Lenses

 - Political Participation

 - Polemology, Defence and Security Studies

5. The Faculty of Urbanist and Related Studies. Programs:

 - Architecture

 - Socialist Realism and Postmodern Architecture

 - Urbanism

 - Socialist Urbanism

 - Geology

 - Geodesy

 - Infrastructural Management

 - Infrastructural Logistics

6. Faculty of Physics. Programs:

 - Physics

 - Astronomy

 - Relativism and Cosmology

 - Quantum mechanisms and related studies

7. Faculty of Mathematical and Related Studies. Programs:

 - Mathematics

 - Programming

 - Artificial Intelligence and related studies

 - Symbolic logic, language in mathematics and in programming

 - Digital technocracy, e-democracy and e-platformism

8. Faculty of Chemistry and Applied Chemistry. Programs:

 - Chemistry

 - Chemical Biochemistry

 - Chemical Genetics

 - Chemical Bioinformatics

 - Industrial Chemistry

9. Faculty of Biology and Bodily Studies. Programs:

 - Biology

 - Zoology

 - Botanics

 - Anatomy

 - Surgical medicine

 - Microbiotical human health and bio-warfare

 - Genetics

 - Societal studies of health and biology

10. Faculty of Applied Humanism. Programs:

 - Social Work

 - Assistant Medicine

 - Elderly Management

 - Collective Upbringing of Children

11. Psychological Faculty. Programs:

 - Psychology

 - Psychiatry and chemical psychology

 - Neurology

 - Neural medicine

 - Psychotherapeutic psychology

 - Societal psychology and post-capitalist societal management

12. Mechatronical Faculty. Programs:

 - Mechatronics

 - Mechanical Computing

 - Electroengineering

 - Motorised Engineering

 - Analogue Engineering

 - Statics and Constructivism

13. Economic Faculty. Programs:

 - Classical Macroeconomics, Post-Kautskyism, and Neo-Imperialism

 - Critique of Political Economy

 - Microeconomic Logistics

 - Socialist Workplace Management

 - Societal Labour Management

14. Artistic Faculty. Programs:

 - Graphic arts

 - Film

 - Theatre

 - Arts through historical culturology and symbolic interactionism

15. Musical Faculty. Programs:

 - Choir and solistic musical interpretation

 - Instrumental musical interpretation

 - Musical Composition

16. Journalist Faculty. Programs:

 - Television

 - Radio

 - News Management

 - War Reporting

 - Socio-critical journalism

17. Resource Faculty. Programs:

 - Extensive Agricultural Studies

 - Intensive Agricultural Studies

 - Ecological Agricultural Studies

 - Societal Agricultural Studies

 - Mining

 - Forest management and resourcing

 - Wood management

 - Resource infrastructure

 - Electric production

 - Fishing

 - General Resource Production Studies

 - Specific Resource Production Studies

 - Construction Participation

18. Service Faculty. Programs:

 - Hair Management

 - Management of Free People's Storages and Free Markets

 - Infrastructural And Delivery Management

 - Minor And Moderate Fire Management

 - Management of Communal Infrastructure

 - Food Resources Management

 - Residential Management

 - Hosting And Hoteling Management

 - Micromanagement of Tourism

 - Crisis Management

Any student may choose up to two programs of a single faculty to combine. They may choose up to three in accordance with an agreement with the school board.

Why is there no pedagogical faculty? Youngsters to up to 13 years old are to be managed by those with a degree in Collective Upbringing of Children. From that point onwards, pedagogical degree is not a need. There may be a one-year extension of the faculty for studies of methodology and educational presentation for those who wish to be pedagogues with their degree.

Teaching in a university requires having written 10 books, having written 3 books in the last 10 years, and having acquired a degree above the most basic faculty degree.

Any university of a Sotsgorod is expected to host at least two programs of at least 17 of the faculties listed above. As said above, any university of a Lesgorod with more than 700'000 residents is expected to host all the programs.

It must be understood the list of faculties and programs applied within the specified regulators etc. will be modified through time. It is modified by the General Assembly and it may be appended by additional programs (and/or faculties) by the city authorities. The decision of city authorities to build a new faculty can be questioned by a referendum, which may be requested by anyone who gets the number of signatures equal to 0.5% of the city population. The signatures for the referendum must arrive within a 21-day waiting time window following the passing of the establishment of the new faculty/program.


This includes general information on desired building directions for new residential builds, which is not already provided in the Administration chapter of the Lesgorod manual.

All residential buildings are considered "blocks" aka "blocks of flats", inclusive to hotels etc.

Blocks must be earthquake-resistant to a degree where it is estimated by a city commission of statics, that in 1'000'000 years, 10% of buildings would collapse and or be damaged beyond repair at once at most 1'000 times due to earthquakes. This standard may become stricker as technology advances.

Blocks of flats higher than 3 stories of which at least 20% of stories have over 20 flats require having fire-evacuation staircases on two sides of the block of flats.

At least 50% of blocks of flats with over 200 flats in a city require a helipad. This standard may be changed with technological evolution.

Within every mikrorayon there must be a place for collective upbringing of children to allow for the death of the economic family. If there are more than 500 flats in a mikrorayon, there must be an additional place for collective upbringing of children for every 400 flats.


The following not-to-scale plan presents a representation of the Mikrorayon grid, relative to a Mikrorayon.

The purple rectangles represent mikrorayons. Yellow rectangles within them are an exemplified shaping of blocks of flats, with main entries into the mikrorayon (each from a crosswalk) marked with arrows. Only light traffic (pedestrians, cyclists…) is present in the greenery and playgrounds that the inside of a mikrorayon should be (yes, make it truly green).

The red is the border between the pavement and the road. As there is a lack of scale, one should note roundabouts should be much further apart, as mikrorayons are much longer than the displayed number of widths of the road.

All roads should intersect in roundabouts, wherever that is possible. before a road meats another, there should be a slowdown formed by a reduction of the number of lanes each side has to offer. The roundabouts should have an inner and an outer area. All positions marked with colour blue (lines) should be made into a natural (green) barrier. Inside the one in the middle of the roundabout, there should be a tree.

Furthermore, trees should be planted on the verge between the road and pedestrians wherever possible.

To prevent cars from driving over pedestrians when entering or exiting a roundabout, there should be barriers in the form of a solidly placed trash can there. In the case of a crash, the waste bin should not be a fatal obstacle, but rather slow down the vehicle until a complete halt (using its building materials).

There should be a crosswalk at every street's entry into a roundabout. Furthermore, every single road should have an additional roundabout around its middle, wherefrom there must be an entry into the mikrorayon.

Most mikrorayons will have more blocks than the one on display does.

On each side (left and right) of the outside of each entry into each mikrorayon there should be a bench to rest on.


Any major city which is to live through the permanent revolution requires protection for its citizens from explosive, radioactive, biological, chemical, magnetic, and other anthropogenic threats to survival and the stability of our lives. Furthermore, it must be sufficiently resilient against natural disasters. State-capitalist hive cities, aware of the mutually assured destruction a mistake within the red symbolism of the Soviet Union could provoke, were designed to adapt to the eternal threat of nuclear annihilation. So must be Lesgorod.

Standards for the presence of bunkers have already been discussed.


The Marxist Declaration (Englsih, by Lesley Zore)

There is a reddish manifesto on the table. It soon falls down to the ground, burying seven rabbits, waiting for some coffee there. The rabbits, now sprinting around nervously, await some Godot wisely. As they return to their cagings, animals' tails fall off. Soon, there is a flying bottle of whiskey which appears outside the window above the table. There is a portrait hanging off of it, apparently glazing Savrov's postmodern intent.

Thylla comes into the room, shooting with their bow an arrow through the deafening shatter of the window into the bottle, blasting it into the distance. As rabbits' albino-red eyes follow its fall, they jump from the ninth floor, landing on their eyelids with calm. Thylla meows in their room, calling on the mosquitos not to bite her, for she would be quick to begin grasping for them, should they be an annoyance.

Hitting the door with her ankle, Thylla sits on the sole chair in their bedroom. Her ankle pains her for a moment, but is soon healed by a thousand caterpillars running it over while building a monument to Lesley Zore a number of storeys above.

The apartment, coming down under the weight of the machinery, is speeding towards the busy alleys where millions traffic from a mikrorayon to a mikrorayon, inclusive to the room Thylla is in.

As she lands on a grand piano, blasting the neighbourhood with jazzy tunes, she gets both of her wrists and her head stuck in the ground, unable to stand up. Resilient to such unfortunate accidents, she pays a visit to the Ikea, where she buys some concrete-sawing equipment. She then cuts a part of the pavement out, unable to unstick it from her head. As such, she walks away unharmed, her hands and face eternally covered with building materials.

Thylla meets 42 Isaac Asimovs and calls on Stanislav Petrov and Vasily Arkhipov to slaughter them righteously. She then calls on the workers of the world to unite and the international intersectional transhumanist anarchist communist progressive egalitarian postmodernist neomarxist critical antifascist lesleyist revolution to take place.


Boj proti fašizmu se prične z bojem proti boljševizmu (1, 2, 7) (Otto Rühle)

Prevedla Lesley Zore, ze/zer, she/her (ona) (Slovensko, by Lesley Zore)

Predgovor prevajalke v slovenščino

Angleška različica besedila, iz katere sem ustvarila pričujoči prevod, je dostopna na


Predgovor na

Ta članek, ki ga je avtoriral Otto Rühle, se je najprvo pojavil v Ameriškemu konzul-komunističnemu časopisu Živeti Marksizem (zvezek 4, št. 8, 1939).

V letu 1                                                                       981 je bil znova natisnjen v obliki pampleta (ZK, Bratach Dubh)

Zdi se, da je članek osnovan na precej daljšem besedilu, v delu objavljenem v francoščini pod naslovom "Fascisme Brun, Fascisme Rouge" (Spartacus, 1975, Serie B - št. 63). Tudi to besedilo je le del daljšega dela "Weltkrieg-Weltfaschismus-Weltrevolution" [ "Svetovna vojna - svetovni fašizem - svetovna revolucija"].



Rusijo moramo postaviti na prvo mesto med novimi totalitarnimi državami. Bila je prva, ki je prevzela novo načelo države. Njegovo uporabo je najnatančneje razvila. Prva med vsemi je ustvarila ustavno diktaturo in politično-upravni teror, ki se nanjo nujno veže. Prevzemajoč vse značilnosti totalne države, je postala model za vse kasnejše dežele, ki so bile prisiljene odpraviti demokratično državo in prevzeti sistem diktature. Rusija je bila zgled za fašizem.

Ta ironija ni naključje in niti ni neslana šala zgodovine. Širjenje omenjenega sistema semkaj [v Nemčijo] ni očitno, a je resnično. Vse kaže, da imamo opraviti z izrazom, posledico istih načel, uveljavljenih na različni stopnji zgodovinskega in političnega razvoja. Naj bo to to partijskim "komunistom" pri srcu ali ne, je [bolševistična] državna ureditev v Rusiji težko ločljiva od tiste [fašistične] v Italiji in Nemčiji. V osnovi sta enaki. Lahko govoroimo o rdeči, črni ali rjavi "državi sovjetov," ali o rdeči, črni ali rjavi obliki fašizma. Četudi obstojijo ideološke razlike med danimi državami, te niso nikoli ključnega pomena. Ideologije so, nadalje, spremenljive; tovrstne spremembe ne zahtevajo sprememb in niso nujno zrcalo značilnosti in delovanj državnega aparata. Nadalje je dejstvo, da zasebna lastnina v Nemčiji in Italiji še ni bila odpravljena le modifikacija drugotnega pomena. Izničenje zasebne lastnine samo po sebi še ne zagotovi socializma. Zasebno lastnino je mogoče razveljaviti celo znotraj kapitalizma. Kar določa socialistično družbo je, poleg odprave zasebne lastnine znotraj razmerij sredstev proizvodnje, je nadzor delavcev nad proizvodi lastnega dela in konev mezdnega dela. Oba zahtevka sta v Rusiji nedokončana; prav tako v Italiji in Nemčiji. Morda je upravičeno misliti, da je Rusija bližje socializmu, a to ne pomeni, da je njena "sovjetska država" pomagala mednarodnemu delavstvu v napredku proti svetovni revoluciji. Nasprotno; ker se Rusija razglaša za socialistično državo, zavaja in moti delavce sveta. Misleči delavec ve, kaj je fašizem; proti njemu se bori, a Rusiji prepogosto odpusti, saj je nagnjen k sprejemanju mita njene socialistične narave. Ta zmota onemogoča popolno in odločno borbo proti fašizmu, saj lomi načelo boja proti razlogom, predpogojem in razmeram, v katerih sta Rusija in Nemčija razvili povsem enak džavni in vladni sistem. Tako se mit Rusije spremeni v ideološko orožje kontrarevolucije.

Posameznik ne more služiti dvema gospodarjema. Tako ne more niti totalitarna država. Če fašizem služi kapitalistično-imperialističnim težnjam, ne more služiti tudi potrebam delavcev. Če vendarle izgleda, da dva nasprotujoča si razreda ljubita isti državni sistem, je moralo iti nekaj narobe. En ali drugi razred se je zmotil. Nihče ne more poreči, da je težava preprosto v obliki in ne vsebini sistema, da ni pomembno, če sta politični obliki enaki, dokler sta različni v svoji vsebini. To bi pomenilo samorazpustitev. Vsak marksist ve, da se kaj takega ne more zgoditi; zanj se oblika in vsebina vedno prilagajata ena drugi in sta neločljivi. No, če sovjetska država služi kot model fašizmu, mora vsebovati strukturne in funkcionalne elemente, ki so ji skupni s tem fašizmom. Da določimo, kaj so ti elementi, se moramo vrniti v "sistem sovjetov," kakor ga je razvil Leninizem - prilagoditev bolševističnih načel ruskim razmeram. Če lahko torej prikažemo enost boljševizma in fašizma, je nemogoče, da bi se delavci hkrati borili proti fašizmu in ščitili ruski "sistem sovjetov." Nasprotno; boj proti fašizmu se prične z bojem proti boljševizmu.



Od začetka boljševizma je bil le-ta za Lenina povsem ruski fenomen. Skozi leta politične dejavnosti ni enkrat poskusil povzdigniti boljševistične ureditve na oblike bojev v drugih državah. Bil je social-demokrat, ki je v Beblu in Kautskem videl vodje delavseka razreda; ob temu je ignoriral levo krilo nemškega socialističnega gibana, bojujočega se proti tem Leninovim herojem in proti vsem drugim oportunistom. Ne meneč se zanje, je vztrajal v večni izolaciji, v sodelovanju z omejenim številom ruskih emigrantov. Kasneje se je vrnil, da bi stal pod režimom Karla Kautskega, navkljub odporu nemške levice pod Roso Luxemburg proti Kautskyizmu.

Lenina je zanimala le Rusija. Njegov cilj je bil uničenje carskega fevdalizma in prenos vsega političnega vpliva na njegovo socialdemokratsko stranko znotraj buržoazno-demokratične družbe. Stranka je razumela, da lahko ostane na oblasti in nadalje vodi proces podružbljenja le, če sproži mednarodno delavsko revolucijo. V temu smislu njeno delovanje ni imelo veliko sreče. Ko je pomagala nemško delavstvo pripeljati nazaj v stranke in sindikate in s tem zanemarila nemško konzulsko gibanje, je podala rešilno bilko uničenju prebujajoče se evropske revolucije.

Boljševistična partija, ki jo sestavljajo na eni strani profesionalni revolucionarji in na drugi strani brezkončne množice, je ostala osamljena. Začasa državljanske vojne, intervencije, gospodarskega zloma, neuspešnih družbenih preizkusov in improvizirane mobilizacije ni razvila resničnega sistema sovjetov. Menjševiki sovjeti, ki se sicer niso skladali z boljševističnim sistemom, so Leninovi stranki pomagali prevzeti oblast. Ob stabilizaciji moči in ponovni gospodarski izgradnji Boljševistična Partija ni uspela usmerjati sovjetskega sistema v skladu z lastnimi odločitvami in dejavnostmi. Ne glede na vse, je bil socializem želja Boljševikov; za to so morali na svojo stran pridobiti Proletariat vsega sveta.

Lenin je pravil, da je najpomembneje prepričati delavce sveta o boljševistični metodi. Žal so delavci drugih držav, velikanskim uspehom boljševizma navkljub, pokazali le malo zanimanja za boljševistično teorijo in prakso; raje so se držali smeri konzulskega gibanja, ki je naraslo v številnih deželah, predvsem v Nemčiji.

To konzulsko gibanje za Lenina ni imelo nobenega pomena. Po Evropi je kazalo sovražno nastrojenost do boljševističnega tipa odpora. Mednarodni propagandi Moskve navkljub, so tako-imenovani "ultra-levičarji", kakor je izjavil Lenin sam, bolj uspešno pritiskali k mednarodni revoluciji na osnovi konzulskega gibanja, kot so vsi podporniki Boljševistične Partije skupaj. Komunistična partija je ostala, sledeč boljševizmu, majhna, histerična in glasna skupina, ki sestoji povečini iz podelavčenih šrapnelov buržoazije, medtem ko je konzulsko gibanje pridobilo na popularnosti in proletarski moči. V boju s temi razmerami so boljševiki povečali svojo propagandno proizvodnjo; "ultra-levica" je morala biti napadena; njen vpliv uničen v dobro Boljševizma.

Glede na propad sovjetskega sistema v Rusiji, ali je mogoče, da bi skrajni "tekmeci" poskusili dokazati svetu, da česar ni dosegel Boljševizem v rusiji, lahko sami dosežejo drugje, neodvisno od Boljševizma? Proti tem tekmecem je Lenin napisal svojo knjižico "Radikalizem, rojstna bolezen komunizma", ki sta mu jo narekovala strah pred izgubo politične moči in ogorčenje nad uspehi heretikov. Najprvo se je ta knjižica pojavila s podnaslovom: "Poskus javnega prikaza marksistične strategije in taktike," a je bil ta ambiciozen in neumen napis kasneje zavržen. Bil je malce preveč. Ta napadalna, surova, sovražna papeška napadalnost je bila resnično čtivo za vsakekga kontrarevolucionarja. Od vseh programskih objav Boljševizma je bila najbolj odkrita glede njegovega karakterja. Boljševizem je bil tako razkrit. Še ko je leta 1933 Hitler prepovedal znotraj nemčije vso socialistično in komunistično literaturo, so dovolili izdajo in širjenje Leninovega pampleta.

Kar se tiče vsebine pampleta, nas ne zanima, kaj pravi v zvezi z rusko revolucijo, zgodovino Boljševizma, bojem med Boljševizmom in drugimi tokovi delavskega gibanja, ali okoliši, ki so dovoljevali boljševistično zmago, ampak zgolj glavne točke, s katerimi je bila začasa poteka napetosti prikazana različnost med Leninom in "ultra-levico".



V kolikor se s kritičnim pogledom zatopimo v sliko Boljševizma, kakor jo naslika Leninov pamplet, razpoznamo naslednje točke kot glavnine Boljševizma:

1.   Boljševizem je nacionalistična politika. V osnovi ustvarjena kot rešitev narodnega problema, je nadalje postala teorija in praksa mednarodnega merila in splošna ideologija. Njen nacionalistični duh ugleda luč dneva tudi v svojem pogledu na boje za nacionalno samostojnost zatiranih narodov.

2.   Boljševizem je avtoritaren sistem. Vrh družbene piramide je najpomembnejša in odločujoča točka. Avtoriteta je združena v eno vsemogočno osebo. V veliki vodji je ustoličen ideal buržoaznega kulta osebnosti.

3.   Organizacijsko je Boljševizem precej centralističen. CK je odgovoren za vse ustanovne, vodstvene, izvršne ukaze. Kot v buržoazni državi, igrajo vodilni člani organizacije vlogo buržoazije; ob tem je edina naloga delavstva ubogati ukaze.

4.   Boljševizem predstavlja militantno politiko. Ker se zanima izključno za politično moč, ni nič drugačen od običajnih oblik vladavine v buržoazni državi. še v osrednji organizaciji ni nikakršne samo-odločne. Vojska služi partiji kot najvišji primer Organizacije.

5.   Boljševizem je diktatura. Delujoč s strogo silo in terorističnimi ukrepi, upravlja z vsemi svojimi zmožnostmi nasproti uničenju vseh ne-boljševističnih inštitucij in mnenj. Njegova "diktatura proletariata" je diktatura birokracije ali diktatura posameznika.

6.   Boljševizem je strojna metoda. Kot končni cilj družbene ureditve pozna samodejno sodelovanje, tehnično zagotovljeno prilagodljivost in skrajno efektiven totalitarianizem. Centralistično "planirana" ekonomija zavestno pomeša tehnično-organizacijske probleme z družbeno-gospodarskimi vprašanji.

7.   Družbena struktura Boljševizma je buržoazne narave. Ni odpravila mezdnega dela in zavrača delavsko samo-odločanje o lastnih produktih. Ostaja znotraj temeljev razredne - in sicer buržoazne družbe. Kapitalizem se nadaljuje.

8.   Boljševizem je revolucionaren le znotraj okvirjev meščanske revolucije. Nezmožen ustvariti sistem sovjetov, je obsojen na neuspeh pri pretvorbi buržoazne družbe in njene ekonomije; ustvari državni kapitalizem namesto socializma.

9.   Boljševizem ni most, ki bi s časom vodil v socialistično družbo. Brez sovjetskega sistema, brez popolne revolucije v ljudeh in stvareh, ni mogoče izpolniti najbolj osnovne izmed socialističnih zahtev, to je ukinitev kapitalistične odtujitve človeka. Boljševizem predstavlja zadnje dni buržoaznega sistema in ne prvega koraka proti novi družbeni ureditvi.

Teh devet točk predstavlja nepremostljivo nasprotje med Boljševizmom in socializmom. S potrebno jasnostjo prikažejo meščanski pečat boljševističnega gibanja in njegovo sorodnost s fašizmom. Nacionalizem, avtoritarizem, centralizem, vodstvena diktatura, politike moči, strahovlada, strojna dinamika, nezmožnost podružbiti - vse te ključne značilnosti fašizma so bile in obstojijo v boljševizmu. Fašizem je le kopija boljševizma. Iz tega razloga se mora boj proti prvemu začeti z bojem proti zadnjemu.


A Marxist Critique of Auroville (English, by Lesley Zore)


The city of Auroville was founded by the corporate-sponsored welfare-oriented Hippy Rebellion of the 1960s. Situated on the east coast of India, it was granted a specific constitutional autonomy in 1988, 20 years following the visionary's ("mother") founding of the commune.

The city has been since praised as a utopian model of greenery, commonwealth and solidarity. An apparently post-monetary and classless society, it stands to grow from the present officially provided population of 2800 into a "town for humanity", an inspiration for future visionaries to build on.

While acknowledging certain successes the community has had in the recent decades, this paper focuses on reconstructing the image of Auroville from a less politically biased perspective: utopians should search for a future and happier society, not for a camouflaged, privileged-bourgeois society of unequals and harm.


Though numerous utopians throughout the 20th century, especially critical-utopians, have presented a fusion of the countryside and the city, their projections usually display a conglomeration of suburban garden cities; a literal transitional barrier between the urban and the traditional. Wishing to fulfill Marxian ideals of the abolishment of the separation of the country and its heart, they contributed elements of both into a single fusion of cynical post-urban blunders.

As a result, we have observed skyrocketing population sparsity. This has resulted in a lesser number of services in the same surface area, thus distancing everyone from their daily accessories. Schools are now further away from our homes, and so are shops, jobs, and administrative and other services.

To combat the distance, many have defaulted to driving by car. Since public transit in a suburban area is not all that beneficial (for there are less people per some range of a traffic station), personal motorised vehicles have become a favourite. Carbon emissions have thus skyrocketed. Road safety has crumbled to a point where car-passenger accidents are the leading cause of death of children in the United States of America. This rate of injuries and fatal encounters is more than halved in more urban areas, where car travel is slowed and pedestrian infrastructure better developed. Children in suburban neighbourhoods are times less likely to walk to school. Studies of suburbanised areas in Canada, the US, Germany and Australia show suburban children are exceptionally unlikely to walk to school or home, to be allowed to go to extra-educational destinations on their own, to be driven everywhere by their parents, to access common playgrounds, to have parents reach out to numerous neighbours as networks of social capital. Cognitive, social, emotional and physical development of youngsters residing in suburban areas is significantly inferior to either that of the country or of the cities.

Given the distant distribution of housing, the length per resident of water pipes, sewage systems, electric and optic cables, of roads and heating, of gas pipes and other infrastructure has increased. Adjusted for the change in the buying power of the currency and for the change in price of building materials, it has become pricier to connect us all, and maintenance work has multiplied.

A combination of small corner shops and bakeries with occasional shopping malls has been rendered obsolete by giant shopping centers in the suburbs, only hungrier for land, given the parking surface necessary. A new society has arisen in the 'burbs: a giant field of single-storey malls, giant private front-yards, long roads empty of trees and pavements, intersected by occasional garages and villas, covered by advertisements.

Those who cannot afford a car, physically disabled individuals, the elderly, and many others, have been disadvantaged greatly by the existence of suburbs. They ruin and devalue everyone and everything. Suburbs, inclusive to their scaring implementation in favelas and related districts, are the key urbanist burden of humanity.

Auroville is suburban. It consists of giant forestry gardens, spanning in between hundreds of modernist villas and Bauchaus apartments. Roads are long and though they are mostly walked or cycled, such a phenomena can occur only in a town of a few thousand, such as they're running. Once the alienation of the city from the countryside - and vice versa - is derailed, all key services and social capital must be accessible by foot (possibly in a 400 meter radius). This is not possible by extending the Auroville model - it would no longer remain the "green miracle" but rather the doom of humanity.

In Auroville, individuals serve urbanism. In a future society, the environment will serve humanity.

The Abolition of Police

Auroville has called for an end to police rule in their region. It has more or less succeeded in bringing an end to Indian patrolling and policing of the region. It has instead put into effect a policy of dialogue and individual reconciliation.

Anarchism, communism, lesleyism, do promote a society where police force is not a necessity and the monopoly on violence is no more. However, these ideas are not counterrealist. We can surely expect a city state to be able to resolve most administrative and interpersonal disagreements by the means of discussion and negotiation. Two problems remain.

How are we to enforce a defence of peace, an end to interpersonal violence, when we cannot await a perpetrator's will to negotiate?

How are we to form a social reaction to those detached from constructivity?

Certainly not through monopoly on force or crackdowns, but we mustn't stand by and weep for mediation.

Auroville has done the latter. Instead of creating a communal self-administered force of self-oversight, instead of allowing a mass reaction to violent reactionary behaviour to form, it has poisoned the well of the opposition to police, to a class state and to the patriarchy.

Auroville has, counter to the expectations of pacifist, counterinsurgency hippies, become a hotbed of property-inspired conflict, sexual violence, fights, lootings, and social dissent in general, additionally to unsurprisingly high rates of suicide.

Auroville is not the abolition of the monopoly on violence, but rather its decentralisation. Its state-driven aspect is delivered as many things today: politely.  - politely.

Xenophobia And The Tendency to Global North

In Auroville, class has not yet been abolished. But with the change in the mode of class-production present, a return to early civilisation mixed with ancient greek polis-centralism, xenophobia must be presented in a different way.

Since Auroville is built by many settlers from all over the world, it meets the basic expectation: it seems the base racial-national element of xenophobia is lesser than in the general "civilisation". However, at a closer inspection, we can see xenophobia has only derived a new form: instead of relying on the fear of the immigration from less developed nations, it has kept a sharpnel of the old form of xenophobia and enchanted it with systemic prejudice against newcomers and exploitation of Indian population, supporting the whole polis.

Let us observe the requirements immigrants are required to meet before being granted full membership.

Auroville requires each newcomer to be inspired by its own ideological positions; it requires from the individual to further the ideals and "the manifestation" of Auroville; it requires the newcomer not to abide by "from each according to their ability", but by "from each, according to their own ways"; not partake in the Indian politics; follow indian legislature, among other requirements. All these pre-requirements present certain challenges to non-natural residents, ranging from ableist to classist. Furthermore, according to some sources, pressure is conducted to outsource newcomers for tens of thousands of  US dollars (2020 buying power).

Thousands of Indians - not residents of the "utopia" - reportedly go to work in Auroville or labour to sustain it. They by far exceed the registered population of the city and furthermore do not follow all its legislature. They are harmed for they are undocumented, and they present a burden for the local population becasue they do not stay in the city; as long as they are not welcomed to live there, it is only the finances of Auroville who benefit. It is furthermore not independent of its economic boards and of the Indian government, which still has a mandate over the town.

Pseudo-Ecological Pseudo-Scientific Totalitarianism

The city of Auroville encourages alternative medicine, relaxation, and bathing as a means of health. Its medical science is partially based on buddhism and spiritual naturalist enlightenment.

Most Aurovillians leave the city to study abroad.

The city promotes itself as ecological… It would allow for as much greenery, had the houses been simply closer together, and forestry where there are now houses; it would allow for less energy consumption, had it built green-brutalist and urban living quarters. Many other environmental problems, arriving from their suburbs, exist.

The city is totalitarian in the application of its ideology: all are expected to follow a model of likely labour and communal cooperation; nobody is let do their own, nobody is let do according to their own ability, nobody receives according to their own need. Everyone is pressured to follow the Aurovillian ideals - positions of buddist pseudoscientific bullshit.


Auroville is the new Jonestown.


Ustava Republike Slovenije (Slovenian, by Lesley Zore)

Republika Slovenija

Republika Slovenija je platformistična, sociokratična, tehnična in pro-anarhistična post-kapitalistična konfederacija sindikatov, mikrorajonov in demokratična ljudska iniciativa, podana skozi splošno strinjanje z ustavnim redom države.

Republika Slovenija (RS) je pravna, socialna in demokratična država, osnovana na poznodržavnem samoupravnem redu, temelječem na ustavi. Na tem dokumentu, ustavi, temelji vsa zakonodaja RS.

Vsa zakonodaja RS mora biti izpeljana iz in se mora skladati z ustavo. Po potrebi zakonodajnih organov ali drugih pristojnih teles, je lahko zakon ali drugi del zakonodaje uveljavljen, tudi če ga ustava ne zahteva.

Ustavnost zakonodaje preverja ustavno sodišče na predlog deset tisoč podpisnikov, na predlog dvajsetih poslancev v državnem zboru, na predlog desetih županov, ali na predlog kateregakoli predsednika sindikata s preko tisoč člani.

Republika Slovenija ustavno predlaga uporabo spolno nevtralnih izrazov v splošni komunikaciji in v državno-pravnih besedilih. Uresničitev tega pri spolno ločenih izrazih predlaga uporabo podčrtajne tehnike, po modelu "državljanke_i" kot nadomestek za "državljani in državljanke". Ustava zaradi skladnosti z ustavo-razpisnim besedilom uporablja maskulino (moško) slovnično besedilno obliko, razen v posebnih primerih.

Ustavno sodišče lahko ugotovi neustavnost akta in ga terminira v sedmih dneh, ali v kolikor to ni mogoče, zahteva od zakonodajnega ali drugega pristojnega telesa, spremembo do ustavnosti v roku 14 dni od sprejema resolucije. V kolikor pristojni organ ne izpelje, kar mu je zastavilo sodišče, mu je delovanje onemogočeno in njegovi člani so ponovno izbrani. V kolikor v roku 60 dni sodišče trikrat zamrzne delovanje istega delovnega telesa, izgubi privilegij zamrzniti to telo za šest mesecev in pridobi ta privilegij postopkovno sodišče.

Ustavno sodišče Republike Slovenije (USRS) sestavlja 20 sodnikov, ki jih določajo sindikati. Na demokratičnih, neposrednih volitvah, dobijo sindikati nadaljne število mandatov:

 - politološko-lesleyistični sindikat: 3

 - sociološki in družbeno kritični sindikat: 3

 - sindikat postindustrijskih storitvenih dejavnosti: 3

 - sindikat industrije: 2

 - vzgojno-izobraževalni sindikat: 2

 - sindikat za strokovno izobraževanje: 2

 - sindikat primarnega sektorja: 1

 - zdravstveno-oskrbovalni sindikat: 1

 - sindikat civilne zaščite, infrastrukturnih oskrbnikov in polemologov: 1

 - strokovni sindikat: 1

 - zveza neodvisnih sindikatov: 1.

Članstvo delovnega mesta v sindikatu določa postopkovno sodišče ob registriranju delovnega mesta v register javnega gospodarstva. Na zahtevo večinskega glasu delovnega mesta je sodišče obvezano v roku 14 dneh premestiti delovno mesto v drug sindikat.

Predsednik delovnega mesta ima večinsko logistično vlogo.

Sindikati so le tisti, ki jim pripada mesto znotraj ustavnega sodišča.

V kolikor pride do nestrinjanja glede pravičnosti priključitve delovnega mesta k nekemu sindikatu, sme, s podpisi 5% delavcev, ali predsednik delovnega mesta, župana občine, kjer se nahaja delovno mesto, s potrditvijo predsednika sindikata, v katerem se delovno mesto nahaja po premiku, le-to premakniti v drug sindikat.

Predsednik sindikata je demokratično-participatorno izvoljen skozi sistem rangiranja in svobodne kandidature.

Vsak sindikat voli svoje predstavnike na ustavnem sodišču po zgoraj omenjenih kriterijih, ki ne smejo pod nobenim pogojem omogočiti mesta ustavnega sodnika komurkoli s funkcijo predsednika sindikata ali poslanca državnega zbora oziroma dela kateregakoli zakonodajnega telesa.

Ustavnost zakona, zakonskega akta ali zakonodajnega akta pomeni njegovo popolno in nedvomno skladnost z ustavo ter v določenih primerih njegovo skladnost v povezavi s subjektivnimi podrazumljenimi merili, izpeljanimi iz vrednot človekovih pravic.

Ustavno sodišče lahko neustavnost določi le s preprosto večino pri prisotnemu kvorumu 15 sodnikov.

Ustavno sodišče lahko delovanje organa, razen zakonodajnega, zamrzni le po določitvi neustavnosti z absolutno (50%) večino izmed vseh sodnikov.

Ustavno sodišče lahko zamrzne delovanje zakonodajnih organov zamrzni le z dvo-tretjinsko večino izmed vseh sodnikov.

V sodelovanju lahko trije ustavni sodniki, dvajset tisoč podpisnikov, pet tisoč podpisnikov z doktoratom, ali deset poslancev v zakonodajnem telesu, zahteva nadustavno presojo na mednarodnem sodišču za človekove pravice, v kolikor v danem trenutku zakonodaja in ustava takšno sodišče obe priznavata (tj. ali le ustava), oziroma priznavata način odločanja med njimi, v kolikor jih je več. V takšnem primeru se pri le-tem vloži predlog za nadustavno presojo, ki je za ustavno sodišče obvezujoča.

Republika Slovenija, povsem avtonomna država, ima, po dvo-tretjinski presoji v najvišjem zakonodajnem aktu, možnost prenesti del svoje avtonomije na mednarodno nadustavno telo, ki ne sme njene ustave kršiti v zvezi z njo samo, razen če je to eksplicitno določeno v ustavi za dani primer, ali če je tako določeno ali kasneje, ali v priključitvenem dokumentu RS k omenjenemu telesu s potrdilom vseh teles, ki sicer določajo ustavo.

V RS je protiustavna kakršnakoli diskriminacija, na sledečih podlagah, ki bi bila namen sama sebi, ali neupravičenemu cilju, ali bi pomenila diskriminacijo osredneje, kot bi ta diskriminacija omogočila izpolnitev družbeno-gospodarske vloge osebe, ki dejanje oziroma postopek vrši ali organizira:

 - spol (konstrukt telesnega, družbenega ali druge oblike spola) in izraz lastnega spola,

 - rasa, nacionalnost, etnično in kulturno ozadje,

 - privlačnost v zvezi s spolom drugih (alias spolna usmerjenost),

 - starost,

 - nevrodivergenca, psihološka abiliteta, pluralnost, in sorodne divergentnosti

 - fizična onemoglost, bolezni ali sorodne divergentnosti,

 - osebna prepričanja,

 - socio-ekonomsko stanje, stanje v kontekstu socialnega, ali v kontekstu kulturnega kapitala, znotraj hierarhije,

 - kakršnekoli druge osebne okoliščine.

Parlament Republike Slovenije gosti 100 poslancev. V njem se mesta razporedijo, kot sledi:

 - 1 mesto pridobi naključno izbran ustavni sodnik, za katerega se šteje, da je odstopil (njegovemu mestu znotraj sodišča pripada zamenjava),

 - 1 mesto pridobi podpredsednik Republike Slovenije,

 - 1 mesto pridobi naključno izbrani član Akademije Umetnosti RS (Akurs), ki ni prejel več kot dvajset podpisov proti kandidaturi, in ima vsaj trideset podpisov za kandidaturo (podpise lahko poda vsakdo) (v kolikor ni možnega kandidata, se izbere naključnega člana Akurs),

 - 1 mesto pridobi naključno izbrani član Akademija Znanosti RS (Aznars), ki ni prejel več kot dvajset podpisov proti kandidaturi, in ima vsaj trideset podpisov za kandidaturo (podpise lahko poda vsakdo) (v kolikor ni možnega kandidata, se izbere naključnega člana Aznars),

 - 1 mesto pridobi oseba, ki jo izbere župan prestolnice RS pod ratifikacijo župana občine z najmanj prebivalci (v kolikor je več občin izenačenih na istem mestu, morajo predlagano osebo ratificirati naključne tri),

 - preostala mesta so namenjena javnemu glasovanju.

Javno izglasovana mesta v parlamentu se polnijo po nadaljnem sistemu:

 - število javno izglasovanih mest se označi z x,

 - vsi kandidati se prijavijo na posebno zbirno mesto na posebni javni spletni strani, kjer so vsi izpisani,

 - vsakdo, ki želi, obišče volilno središče znotraj svojega volilnega mikrorajona (ki jih razmejuje župan z letnim načrtom, ki ga mora na občinskem referendumu potrditi 70% prebivalcev, saj se sicer uporabi tistega, ki je veljal v letu pred izpeljavo referenduma),

 - vsakdo poda 1 glasovnico, v kateri razporedi po 100 točk med kandidati, vsakemu, ki mu poda točke, po naravno število točk,

 - vsakdo se registrira z osebno izkaznico, ki se jo zabeleži, s čimer se prepreči dvojnost glasovanja,

 - X kandidatov z največ točkami je izbranih za izpolnitev oziroma zapolnitev mest v parlamentu, namenjenih javnemu glasovanju (v primeru izenačenja se med izenačenimi naključno izbere toliko kandidatov, da je vseh skupaj X.)

Vsak poslanec, ustavni sodnik, ali član kateregakoli drugega člena telesa z zakonsko močjo, sme odstopiti. V takšnem primeru se delovanje telesa nadaljuje kot takšno, če ga sestavlja več kot 7 članov, ki še niso odstopili in hkrati več kot polovica članov izmed začetnega števila članov. V nasprotnem primeru se ponovno izbere vse člane danega telesa.

Državna himna Republike Slovenije je Internacionala. Grb Republike Slovenije je rdeča peterokraka zvezda. Zastava Republike Slovenije je rdeč štirikotnik v razmerju stranic 2:3, kjer je višina krajša stranica.

Predsednik republike slovenije je izbran po enakem sistemu, kot je izbran parlament, le da se izbere le eno osebo. V primeru, da nihče ne zbere več kot 40% vseh možnih točk vseh državljanov, se glasovanje ponovi, le da v njem po novem delujeta le dva v prejšnjem glasovanju najuspešnejša kandidata, oziroma dva naključna med najuspešnejšimi v primeru izenačenja v prvem glasovanju.

Podpredsednika RS določi Predsednik RS v strinjanju z dvajsetimi podpisniki, ki so hkrati poslanci v parlamentu RS.

Akademija umetnosti RS (Akurs) je neodvisni državni organ z inkluzivnim monopolom nad umetniško kulturo znotraj RS. Njegov odbor je sestavljen iz štirih oseb z doktoratom, ki ga skozi konsenz določita naključno izbrani ustavni sodnik in vožd Univerze v Ljubljani. Vse osebe v odboru Akurs morajo biti imetniki doktorata. V kateremkoli trenutku lahko državni zbor s 50% večino člane odbora Akurs zamenja, če se s tem predlogom v internem glasovanju strinja vsaj 55% članov Akurs.

Član Akursa je kdorkoli, ki je imetnik magisterija znanosti ali doktorata, ki je napisal pet ali več knjig in sta ga kot člana Akurs potrdila vsaj dva člana odbora in pet članov Akurs. Član Akurs lahko oseba postane brez privolitve petih članov Akurs, če je v Akurs manj kot deset članov, oziroma brez kvorumske privolitve, če je tja oseba nastavljena po drugih, ustavno določenih postopkih, ali zakonodajno določenih postopkih, ki so povsem eksplicitno in ekskluzivno ustavni. Vsakdo, ki je napisal 15 knjig, se lahko Akurs poljubno pridruži, razen če 60% Akursa glasuje proti tej osebi na predlog kateregakoli izmed članov odbora, ali na predlog 10 podpisnikov predloga, ki so hkrati člani Akurs.

Za knjigo se šteje besedilo, ki ga za knjigo razglasi ena izmed naštetih avtoritet:

 - predsednik Republike Slovenije,

 - podpredsednik RS v strinjanju s 50% parlamenta,

 - podpredsednik RS v strinjanju s 50% ustavnega sodišča,

 - sedem podpisnikov, ki so hkrati člani ustavnega sodišča,

 - župan v stalnem prebivališču avtorja v strinjanju z dvema ustavnima sodnikoma,

 - v kolikor priznavajo diplomsko, magistrsko, doktorsko, ali podobno nalogo, 55% učečih profesorjev osebe, ki je v danem trenutku ali neposredno pred njim (do dve leti pred tem) opravila državno priznano univerzo in jo je učilo vsaj 10 profesorjev (v nasprotnem primeru se število dopolni do 10 z naključnimi profesorji iz dane fakultete; v kolikor jih tam ni toliko, z naključnimi člani Akurs; v kolikor jih tam ni toliko, se dovoli nižje število v profesorskem kvorumu),

 - dvajset podpisnikov, ki so napisali že vsaj dvajset knjig (in ne sodelujejo v neprimerni organizaciji za množično potrjevanje knjig),

 - dvajset profesorjev iste univerze,

 - večinsko glasovanje na treh delovnih mestih istega sindikata in iste občine, kot jima pripada avtor,

 - večinsko glasovanje znotraj Akurs na podlagi predloga dvajsetih univerzitetnih rednih profesorjev na državno priznani univerzi.

Kdorkoli napiše vsaj 10 knjig, in je v zadnjih petih letih napisal dve knjigi, ima pravico do primernih državnih sredstev, s katerimi se lahko ne le preživlja, temveč tudi udobno živi. V kolikor je takšnih prebivalcev RS več kot 1 odstotek, se omejitev v številu knjig viša na 15 knjig in 3 v zadnjih petih letih. V kolikor je tudi v tem primeru takšnih prebivalcev RS več kot 2 odstotka, se vzpostavijo digitalne čakalne vrste za vstop v sredstveni obtok, tako, da največ 2.1 odstotka prebivalcev RS hkrati prejema državna sredstva na podlagi tega odstavka.

V kolikor volitev ali namestitev na dane položaje ne zahtevajo drugi pogoji, se dani proces izvede po nadalje navedenem času po zadnjih volitvah oziroma namestitvi:

 - predsednik republike: 2 leti,

 - parlamentarni člani: 1 leto,

 - člani ustavnega sodišča: 2 leti,

 - župan: 4 leta,

 - predsednik sindikata: 28 dni,

 - predsednik delovnega mesta: 14 dni.

Zavezujoči referendum o predčasni razrešitvi župana se izvede na predlog logaritmične vrednosti pri osnovi 1.03 s števila prebivalcev občine, ki ji županuje. V kolikor bi to pomenilo več kot 10% prebivalcev dane občine, je za predlog potrebnih podpisov le toliko, kot je 8% prebivalcev občine. V kolikor bi to pomenilo manj kot 1% prebivalcev dane občine, je za predlog potrebnih podpisov vsaj toliko, kot je 1% prebivalcev občine. Predlog za predčasno razrešitev župana je mogoče podati največ enkrat v obdobju 60 dni.

Univerze so javni izobraževalni zavodi, ki jih kot delovno mesto ustanovi vsaj 30 oseb, med katerimi jih ima vsaj 20 doktorat in vsaj 25 magisterij kakršnekoli vrste. V skladu s parlamentom določajo osnovna strukturna pravila univerze, na osnovi katerih izgradijo univerzitetne izobraževalne programe.

Diplomo, magisterij ali doktorat potrjuje univerza tako, kot potrjuje njihov obstoj kot knjigo; prav tako lahko te nazive potrjuje tudi Predsednik Republike.

Osnovno, srednje in preostalo neuniverzitetno šolstvo se izvede skozi načrt, ki ga sprejme Parlament.

Do neplačljivega preduniverzitetnega in univerzitetnega šolanja ima pravico vsak prebivalec Republike Slovenije.

V Republiki Sloveniji skrbijo za varnost državljanov enote Civilne Zaščite Republike Slovenije (Cizars). Cizars sestavljajo reševalne enote, ki so pod vodstvom predsednika RS in vetom posebne pacifistične komisije, ki jo sestavi parlament, in jih sestavljajo naslednje enote:

 - gorsko-reševalna divizija,

 - proti-endemična divizija,

 - hitro-odzivna zdravstvena divizija,

 - proti-požarna divizija,

 - divizija za preprečevanje in omejitev nasilnega vedenja,

 - divizija za preiskovanje,

 - divizija za preprečevanje sistemskega zla,

 - logistično-reševalna divizija,

 - divizija za ravnanje v primeru jedrskih in drugih radioloških nesreč ali spopadov,

 - divizija za zaščito pred biološkimi in kemičnimi nesrečami in bojevanjem,

 - protipotresna in protierozijska divizija,

 - protipolavna divizija,

 - divizija za logistiko vode.

V vsako divizijo se lahko osebe vpišejo na lastno voljo, v skladu z razpisom, ki ga pentumviat divizije razpiše enkrat mesečno. Petumviat divizije sestavljajo; naključno izbran član divizije; med preostalimi naključno izbran član divizije z najvišjo izobrazbo (med možnostimi "brez diplome", "z diplomo", "z magisterijem", "z znanstvenim magisterijem", "z doktoratom), ki je prisotna v diviziji; med preostalimi član divizije, ki ga izbere predsednik; med preostalimi član divizije, ki ga izbere državni komisar za krizno upravljanje; med preostalimi član divizije, ki je naključno izbran med tistimi, ki so člani divizije več kot deset let (če takšnih ni, pet let, če takšnih ni, eno leto, če takšnih ni, časovna omejitev odpade).

V kolikor ni zaradi posebnih zakonodajno-ustavnih razmer določeno drugače, se pentumviate enot Cizars določa enkrat na dva meseca.

V kolikor član petumviata divizije izstopi, in je do naslednjega termina določanja članov več kot 7 dni, se znotraj divizije izvede volitve v petumviat.

Vsako enoto vodijo, v konsenzu vsaj petih izmed sedmih, predsednik Republike Slovenije, komisar RS za krizno upravljanje, in pet delegatov (izmed katerih jih enkrat na dva meseca izmed članov petumviatov enot dva izbere na splošnih volitvah Sindikat civilne zaščite, infrastrukturnih oskrbnikov in polemologov in tri divizija sama na internih splošnih volitvah.). Pri tem jim svetuje petumviat divizije. Petumviat divizije deluje tudi kot nadzorno telo, ki ima pravico biti prisotno na vseh srečanjih in pri vseh ostalih dejavnostih, ki se tičejo njegove divizije. Z večino štirih članov petumviata ima pravico sprožiti sodni postopek proti nadrejenemu septumviatu.

Komisarja RS za krizno upravljanje določi parlament RS. V primeru zahtevka s 5'000 podpisi, pri čemer mora od zadnjega takšnega odobrenega zahtevka miniti 21 dni, se izvede referendum o odstavitvi in prepovedi zasedbe delovnega mesta komisarju za krizno upravljanje, ki ga je določil parlament RS na podlagi predloga, ki ga je bil pred tem podal element, pristojen za podajo predlogov v parlament RS.

Parlamentu RS zakonodajo predlagajo:

 - dva poslanca (vendar lahko isti poslanec sodeluje pri največ 10 predlogih v eni uri),

 - 5'000 podpisnikov,

 - ustavno sodišče, v skladu s potrebami, opisanimi v ustavi,

 - nadustavno sodišče ali sodišča, v kolikor ga ali jih ustava oziroma z ustavo skladna zakonodaja priznava,

 - predsednik sindikata s 1'500 podpisniki (vendar lahko isti predsednik sindikata sodeluje pri največ 5 predlogih v eni uri).

Vsaka občina z več kot 5'000 prebivalci ima potrebna sodišča, neodvisno od občine. Ta so:

 - upravno-postopkovno sodišče,

 - kazensko sodišče,

 - civilno sodišče,

 - sistemsko sodišče,

 - ideološko sodišče,

 - višje sodišče.

Na vsakem sodišču sodelujejo pravniki, ki so opravili pravno fakulteto, in so tam pridobili diplomo.

Kadar ena izmed naslednjih divizij: divizija za preprečevanje in omejitev nasilnega vedenja, divizija za preiskovanje, divizija za preprečevanje sistemskega zla, sumijo, da je kdo kršil zakonsko določena pravila, ki določajo kazniva dejanja, sme osebo prijazno (ali po potrebi s silo) usmeriti na kazensko sodišče, kjer se osebi določi naključnega prisotnega sodnika. Ta v zahtevanem obdobju preveri dejstva in enakopravno ter upoštevajoč pravice sojenega, kot jih določa zakon, v skladu z zakonom odloči o ukrepih proti sojenemu ali ukrepih, ki imajo opraviti z njim, četudi mu niso namenjeni kot sankcije.

Tako se postopa tudi pri sistemskem zlu, (na sistemsko sodišče) le, da se gre za kršitve osnovnih načel družbenih vrednot v politični ali družbeni moči, in da sme sodišče primer predložiti še ustavnemu sodišču.

Upravno-postopkovno sodišče deluje podobno, le, da se ukvarja z upravnimi in tehnično-zakonodajnimi postopki.

Ideološko sodišče odloča o upravnih sporih, pri katerih se gre za predvsem simbolične, ideološke ali nematerialne elemente vprašanj.

Vsakemu primeru sta dodeljeni dve osebi na sodišču z doktoratom (oziroma v kolikor takšnih ni vsaj dveh, dve osebi z magistrskim nazivom; v kolikor takšnih ni vsaj dveh, dve osebi z diplomskim nazivom), imenovani sodna nadzornika. V kolikor katerakoli izmed dveh omenjenih oseb meni, ali obe sumita, da je sodnik storil napako, smeta zahtevati revizijo sodbe na višjem sodišču, kjer postopek teče tako, da se morajo trije naključno izbrani sodniki o resoluciji višjega sodišča strinjati.

H kateremu sodišču bo divizija predložila primer, se odloči sama, a sme sodnik, ali v kolikor sodnik tega ne stori, v konsenzu oba sodna nadzornika, premestiti primer na katerokoli sodišče, ki nato primera ne more zopet premestiti, razen, če se s tem strinjajo vse stranke v postopku, sodnik, oba nadzornika, in vnaprej naključno izbran sodnik in nadzornika na sodišču, kamor bi trenutno pristojno sodišče želelo premestiti primer.

V primeru prejema 1'000 podpisov, sme predsednik Republike Slovenije prositi parlament za pomilostitev osebe, ki se ji sodi, ali ki prestaja zaporno kazen. V tem primeru pomilostitev stopi v veljavo 28 dni po sprejemu, a le, če je v temu času ne preglasuje še eno parlamentarno glasovanje, če ne pride o tem do državnega referenduma, in če ne pride o tem do občinskega referenduma.

V primeru prejema 500 podpisov, sme župan občine, v kateri oseba preživlja zaporno kazen, največ dvakrat v času preživljanja zaporne kazni, predlagati sodišču revizijo primera, ki jo lahko sodnik s strinjanjem vsaj enega izvedenca takoj zavrne.

Oseba, ki je bila spoznana za krivo, sme zahtevati do eno revizijo v prvih dveh mesecih po obsodbi, razen, v kolikor se ji je sodilo za nasilno dejanje, oškodovanci katerega so še vsi, ali vsaj eden izmed njih, živi.

Katalog kaznivih dejanj, sodne postopke, pravice strank v postopku, sodno ureditev, izvršitev kazni, razmere izvršitev in neposredno vezane teme ureja poseben zakon, ki ga sprejme parlament - imenuje se kazenski zakonik.

Republika Slovenija sprejme kot državljana vsakogar, ki za državljanstvo zaprosi, in čigar dedni zapis se hkrati ne nahaja v shrambi razčlovečenih oseb. Po pregledu DNA zapisa in avtomatskemu primerjanju, se DNA vzorec osebe uniči. Zdravstvena skupina, ki poskrbi za ves postopek, pod nadzorom divizije proti sistemskemu zlu preveri, da ne pride do shranjevanja DNA-ja novih državljanov.

Državljan RS lahko državljanstvo pisno prekliče kadarkoli, a mu mora biti v temu primeru pred prekinitvijo državljanstva jasno predana pravica kadarkoli zopet pridobiti državljanstvo.

Državljanstvo je status in simbol posebne povezave med posameznikom in državo, ki prebivalcu Republike Slovenije omogoči sodelovanje v prosto-hierarhičnih demokratičnih postopkih.

Prebivalec RS je kdorkoli, ki se nahaja v območju, ki ga nadzira RS.

Kdorkoli, ki je prebivalec RS, nima državljanstva, in meni, da ima upravičeno potrebo po državnemu varstvu ali pomoči, lahko zaprosi za splošni, politični ali imunitetni azil, a ni nujno, da jih prejme.

Osebe s splošnim azilom začasno prejmejo nastanitev, hrano, pijačo, toaletne prostore in higienične pripomočke in vse ostalo, kar potrebujejo za omogočanje primernega življenja, tako fiziološkega, kot tudi intelektualnega. Ta zaščita se prekini v dveh mesecih po prejemu državljanstva in posledično z vstopom v sistem "vsakemu po njegovi potrebi", ali v treh mesecih po prekinitvi razloga za njeno vzpostavitev in s tem z vzpostavitvijo življenjskih virov izven RS.

Osebe s političnim azilom prejmejo storitve, kakor so nudene osebam s splošnim azilom. Ob tem imajo splošni prioritetni status in pravico zaprositi za posebno (eskortno) zaščito v primeru politične ogroženosti. Po potrebi se ustvari lažna identiteta oseb, v kolikor bi jih sicer ogrožala ugrabitev.

Osebe z imunitetskim azilom prejmejo storitve, kakor so nudene osebam s političnim azilom. Ob tem se jih pod nobenim pogojem, razen z družnim potrdilom predsednika in podpredsednika RS, ali z njihovim pisnim zahtevkom, ki ga potrdijo tudi v pogovoru z vnaprej naključno določenim sodnikom. Nadalje se jim nudi težko oboroženo varstvo z zelo visoko varnostno prioriteto in se jim omogoči medijsko delovanje na najvišji logistično in demkratično sprejemljivi ravni.

Splošni azil lahko prejme kdorkoli, ki ni državljan RS, in se v trenutku zahtevka nahaja na ozemlju, ki ga le-ta nadzira.

V kolikor oseba zahteva politični azil, je komisiji treh naključno izbranih sodnikov predana naloga potrditi ali zavreči zahtevek. Politični azil je namenjen osebam, ki se nahajajo na ozemlju RS, in bi bile v svoji državi ogrožene na osnovi diskriminacije, ki v RS ni dovoljena, ogrožene na podlagi osebnega ali političnega prepričanja, ali država, iz kjer prihajajo, zahteva izročitev. V kolikor oseba ne prejme političnega azila, sme temu navkljub zahtevati splošni azil.

V kolikor oseba zahteva imunitetni azil, je komisiji desetih naključno izbranih sodnikov predana naloga potrditi ali zavreči zahtevek. Imunitetni azil je namenjen osebam, ki se nahajajo na ozemlju RS, in jih država, iz katere prihajajo, aktivno išče na neutemeljeni ali neupravičeni podlagi. Izjemoma lahko osebe preko spletnih obrazcev, stikov ali konzularnih storitev v tujih državah zahtevajo imunitetni azil tudi, v kolikor se v danem trenutku ne nahajajo na območju, ki ga nadzira RS; v takšnem primeru se sme z odobritvijo predsednika Republike Slovenije osebo s težko oboroženimi silami divizije po predsednikovi izbiri poiskati v državi, kjer se nahaja, in jo proti volji države gostiteljice prepeljati v RS v varstvo, kakršnega uživajo osebe z imunitetnim azilom. V kolikor oseba ne prejme imunitetnega azila, sme temu navkljub zahtevati politični ali splošni azil.

Oseba, ki se nahaja na ozemlju RS in ni njen državljan niti azilec, proti kateri prejme RS zahtevek za aretacijo in izročitev v tujo državo, se postavi pred komisijo dveh naključnih sodnikov, ki se morata oba strinjati z izročitvijo. Izročitev lahko na referendumu v roku desetih dni prekliče občina, v kateri se oseba nahaja ob sojenju. V kolikor je oseba državljan ali je v azilu v RS, mora biti komisija sestavljena iz štirih sodnikov, ki se morajo vsi strinjati z izročitvijo. RS zakonskih preganjancev ne izroča državam, kjer je uzakonjena ali izvajana smrtna kazen, razen, v kolikor se zakonskega preganjanca obravnava na podlagi suma storitve kaznivega dejanja proti spolni nedotakljivosti. V takšnem primeru je izročitev v državo, ki ima uzakonjeno ali izvaja smrtno kazen, dovoljena.

Komisija dveh oziroma štirih sodnikov, ki odloči o izročitvi obravnavanega tuji državi, ki zavrne izročitev, ima možnost zahtevati od RS pregon osebe, ki naj se izvrši znotraj RS, v kolikor je to v danem primeru dopustno. V tem primeru ima možnost osebo ovaditi in/ali sodelovati v preiskavi proti preiskovani osebi z lastnimi podatki tudi država, ki zahteva izročitev, v kolikor je pripravljena sprejeti pregon osebe znotraj RS.

Smrtna kazen v RS ni dovoljena. Prav tako ni dovoljena prekinitev državljanstva osebe iz strani države. Ta dva pogoja sme kazensko sodišče preseči le, v kolikor je oseba obravnavana na podlagi suma o storitvi kaznivega dejanja proti spolni nedotakljivosti. Zakon sme tudi ob izpolnitvi ustavnih pogojev za smrtno kazen prepovedati smrtno kazen, v kolikor zakonodajna telesa menijo, da ta ni nikoli primerna, ali da je primerna le v nekaterih primerih, kjer bi bila zadana v skladu z ustavnimi pogoji.

Republika Slovenija je večnarodna država. Med drugim njeno narodnostno sliko sestavljajo Narodno neopredeljene osebe, Hrvati, Srbi, Bošnjaki, Makedonci, Albanci, Romi, Slovenci, Črnogorci, Madžari, Italijani, Avstrijci, Jugoslovani, Nemci, Transilvanci, Banati, Korošci, Slovani, Gorenjci, Primorci, Notranjci, Ljubljančani, Kranjčani, Belokranjčani, Dolenjci, Štajerci, Prekmurci, Furlani, Rezijci, Goričani, Istrijani in druge narodne manjšine ter skupine. Vse imajo enak status in v skladu s protidiskriminatorno politiko tako vse naštete, tako kot preostale prisotne narodne skupine in posamezniki, uživajo zaščito po potrebi v primeru manjšinskosti, in ob tem polno ustavno priznanje.

Nadalje je protiustavno ustanavljanje institucij, ki bi vključevale nadaljne elemente:

 - vojaški rok in obvezno ali pol-obvezno orožno služenje,

 - diskriminacijo, kakršna je definirana kot neustavna,

 - verske organizacije,

 - sisteme, ki bi omogočili nastanek monopola nad družbeno močjo iz strani posamičnih interesnih skupin, ki ne enako in demokratično predstavljajo vseh državljanov hkrati.

Prepovedana je uporaba gospodarskega izsiljevanja (mezdno delo) za izvajanje ekonomskega pritiska s ciljem eksploatacije. To pomeni, da država onemogoča nastanek privatne lastnine, in da skozi Conquest of Bread omogoči javno, demokratično, in hitro razvijajočo se družbo prepleta gospodarskega, tehničnega, kulturnega, pluralističnega in antifašističnega splošnega spektra. Tako se vsem dovoli dostop do vsega kar potrebujejo skozi sistem "vsak po svojih zmožnostih - vsakemu po njegovih potrebah".

Prepovedan je tudi vnos tuje privatne lastnine v Republiko Slovenijo v obliki prenosa pravne osebe. Dovoljen je prenos elementov te lastnine, njenih strojev, delavcev, ali drugega dela, ki je potreben za sodelovanje med tuijimi družbami in Republiko Slovenijo, kar je ključno predvsem za delovanje letalskega prometa, diplomacije, ipd. Nadalje to ne sme pod nobenim pogojem niti v najmanjši meri vnašati trga ali mezdnega dela.

Republika Slovenija ima javno medijsko agencijo (Javna Medijska Agencija Republike Slovenije, krajše JAMARS). JAMARS sestavljajo:

 - enota za javno demokracijo (EJD), ki se ukvarja z objavo novo sprejete zakonodaje, e-demokracijo, zagotavljanjem pravice do lokalnega in vsedržavnega platformizma, objavo javnih sodnih resolucij in objavo uradniških javnih razglasov;

 - enota za javno ozaveščanje (EJO), ki se ukvarja s širjenjem zaključkov ustavnega sodišča in ideološkega sodišča, aktivnim državništvom državljanov, in ki skrbi za javno zavest o zdravstvenih, političnih, družbeno-gospodarskih, manjšinskih, in urbanističnih vprašanjih;

 - radio-televizija Slovenija (RTV SLO), ki se ukvarja z javno dostopnostjo novic, filmskih in glasbenih vsebin, knjig, radio in TV programov, dostopnih preko radio, TV, računalniških, telefonskih, in drugih sprejemnikov, glede na obliko informacije. Gre se za najbolj množični medij, pri katerem so ključne dnevne novice in informativne oddaje, razporejene v razmerju z ostalimi vsebinami od programa do programa in od naprave-prejemnika do naprave-prejemnika, glede na izbor, ki ga opravijo njene inštance, v skladu z izborom, ki ga opravijo notranje instance in vsi zaposleni v RTV SLO, skladno z zakonodajo, pravilniki in internim redom.

Mikrorajoni, kot jih že definirajo volišča, v skladu s položajem večih stavb znotraj cestnega omrežja, imajo samoupravno pravico do vzpostavitve lastne vlade, ki se mora skladati z vsemi pravilniki, zakoni in ustavnostmi Republike Slovenije. Pravila mikrorajona, ki kršijo pravila RS, so protiustavna, neveljavna, in se jih pepreči, po potrebi z invazivnim vplivom na mikrorajonsko vlado tako, da država spremeni odločitve mikrorajonske vlade. V kolikor to ni uspešno, lahko RS prevzame del izvajanja nalog, ki jih je mikrorajon izvajal napačno. V kolikor to no mogoče, ali bi bilo nerealizirajoče težavno, sme RS začasno razpustiti vlado mikrorajona, da svoje funkcije lažje opravi. V kolikor to ne zadošča, sme s strinjanjem naključno določenega sodnika v skrajnem primeru vlado mikrorajona dolgoročno razpustiti in ga ob tem priključiti drugemu mikrorajonu, ki mora biti sosed predmetnemu. Primer zlorabe pravice do vzpostavitve mikrorajonske vlade mora biti protizakonit in veljati za kaznivo dejanje. Mikrorajonska vlada ne sme nikakor vplivati na življenja ljudi, ki v njej ne sodelujejo, oziroma lahko nanje vpliva toliko, kot smejo posamezniki storiti prav tako. Po potrebi sme imeti mikrorajon več kot eno vlado hkrati, vendar morata biti v takšnem primeru povsem ločeni in se sme vse razen ene terminirati, v kolikor bi med njimi prišlo do spora, ki ga ideološko sodišče ne bi moglo razrešiti in te razrešitve država izvajati.

Republika Slovenija dopušča rešitev vprašanja boja med svobodo govora in preprečevanjem sovražnega govora z ločevanjem govora in dejanja. Ves govor, ki ima vpliv na resničnost, tako materialno, kot interakcionistično, ali subjektivno, je dejanje, ne govor. Tako se ga tretira kot dejanje, ne govor, in se ga sme posledično omejiti ali sankcionirati v primeru resnih elementov fašizma, v primeru diskriminatornega nasilnega ali neznanstvenega govora, v primeru resnega politično motiviranega revizionizma in v podobnih tendenčnih primerih.

Vsaka občina z več kot pet tisoč prebivalci voli enega ustavnega predstavnika za vsakih polnih tisoč prebivalcev. Voli jih tako, kot se na državni ravni voli parlamentarne poslance. V kolikor takšen sistem ne bi prinesel nobenih ustavnih predstavnikov, npr. tako, da ne obstoji noben kraj v RS z več kot pet tisoč prebivalci, obveljajo parlamentarni poslanci za ustavne predstavnike.

Ustavni predstavniki lahko z absolutno dvo-tretjinsko večino na podlagi predloga z 10'000 podpisi sprejmejo referendum o spremembi ustave, ki je obvezujoč.

Ustavno predstavništvo je neodvisno od ustavnega sodišča. Poskus neprimernega vpliva ustavnega sodišča ali parlamenta na delovanje ustavnega predstavništva je protiustaven in na državni ravni predstavlja kaznivo dejanje.

V kolikor je minilo najmanj štirinajst dni od zadnjega takšnega glasovanja, sme parlament z eno-četrtinsko večino zahtevati obvezujoč referendum o sklicu parlamentarnih ali predsedniških volitev.

V primeru, da sodnik ne more več sodelovati v sojenju (zaradi smrti, odstopa, odstopa od primera, ali iz drugega zakonsko določenega razloga), se na njegovo mesto v postopku postavi naključnega sodnika.

Pri vseh postopkih, kjer pride do izbire naključnega sodnika, pride do izbire naključnega sodnika med sodniki, ki so v trenutku izbire po številu sodnih postopkov, v katerih sodijo, v nižjih 60%, vključujoč vse izenačitve.

Zdravstvu v Republiki Sloveniji osebi, ki se ne zaveda, ali ki ni psihično prisotna, ni dovoljeno posegati v telo in razum, razen, če je takšen poseg nujno potreben za prihodnjo vrnitev osebe k zavesti oziroma psihični prisotnosti, precejšnjemu pospešku njune povrnitve, ali preprečevanju nadaljne škode osebi. Zdravstvo v RS ne sme, niti v življenjsko ogrožujočih primerih, poseči v telesno ali psihično zdravje osebe, v kolikor je ta podala pisno izjavo nestrinjanja s tovrstnim postopkom sploh, ali v kolikor je podala zahtevo, naj se v takšnem primeru ne izvaja primerov, ali primerov vrst, ki vključujejo postopek, ki bi ga zdravstvo sicer izvedlo. Nadalje sme osebi, ki je pri zavesti in je psihično prisotna, zdravstvo RS pripomoči le s postopki, s katerimi se aktivno strinja.
Uradni in državni jeziki RS so Slovenščina, Yuzak, Angleščina, Ruščina, Punjabi, Kurdščina, Kitajščina, Arabščina in Hrvaščina. Pomen tega določi vsak element RS posamično, pod nadzorom okrajnega ideološkega sodišča.

Vsi sodni primeri mestnih občin se obravnavajo na sodiščih lastnih občin, ki jih morajo imeti. Vsi sodni primeri nemestnih občin se obravnavajo na sodiščih mestne občine, ki jo z začetkom vsakega koledarskega leta določi župan občine, od koder bi primer izviral. V kolikor župan zamenja občino, ki njegovi nemestni občini ureja sodne postopke, se tekoči postopki še naprej urejajo na sodišču občine, kjer so se pričeli urejati. Župan mora za spremembo mestne občine, kjer se primeri njegove nemestne občine urejajo, pridobiti podpise vsaj 50% sodnikov dane mestne občine in izvesti referendum znotraj svoje nemestne občine.

Meje občin in njihovo sestavo, v kolikor ni drugače zapisano v ustavi, določa zakon o občinah.

Republika Slovenija si prizadeva za uresničitev nadaljnih političnih nagnenj:

 - strokovnosti,

 - delavske prevlade,

 - intersekcionalni transfeminizem,

 - transhumanizem,

 - neomejene svoboščine transspolnih in spolno divergentnih oseb sploh v zvezi z lastnim spolom,

 - neomejene svoboščine v zvezi z lastnimi usmerjenji glede spola drugih (alias spolna usmerjenost),

 - izničenje vsakršne razlike v zvezi s kategorijami, glede katerih RS omejuje ali prepoveduje diskriminacijo,

 - internacionalizem (tako na politični kot zavestni ravni),

 - ateistično in znanstveno sekularnost, ločitev cerkve, religije in organizirane religije od države, dekatolizacijo politike in enakost vseh,

 - načelo "od vsakega, glede na zmožnosti, vsakemu, glede na potrebe"

 - post-kapitalistični razvoj, ki omogoča hkrati bliskovit napredek in njegovo enako izkoriščanje iz strani vseh,

 - splošno razumevanje zla, ki so ga prinašali pretekli fašistični režimi, vlade Janeza Janše in podobne anti-demokratične iniciative,

 - vse, kar omogoča nastanek svobodne družbe in njeno ohranitev.

Pričujoča ustava je nastala iz ustavnega akta ljudske skupščine petkovega protestnega gibanja, ki si prizadeva za miroljubno demokratično družbo. Gre se za demokratična nagnjenja, kulturo tolerantnosti in miren napredek.

Ustava stopi v ustavo z dnem, ko je objavljena in jo potrdijo vse obstoječe sile na območju Slovenije, ki imajo pristojnosti sodelovati v nenasilnem sprejemanju ustave.

Ustava je odprt in javen dokument.


Aaa (English, by Lesley Zore)

My schoolmate is standing there, tossing their water bottle into the air, doing their best to reclaim it on its landing with their forehead. Questionable in its effectiveness and desirability as this method is, it is less disturbing than is the thought of my past. But let us not discuss that today.

Instead, let us take a look through the window… There are fields of greenery, oh no, it's pure concrete and a horrific church reigning in the midst of the brutalist utopia. There is a yellow sunset behind me, and my eyes pick at the reddish dawn of the morning. The sun is downing in its dawn. For there has been a millennia of suns, each carrying numerous bodies.

Bodies, bodies. Bodies lie all over.

Its but me laying, decomposing, shattered.

The water bottle opens on impact, flushing a cool fluid into a number of observers. Be it a fluid, it better be cool aid. We truly are Jamestown.

I cry through ages, drowning my feelings of darkened memories, suicidality and neglect, memories of abuse and the constantly prevailing thought of gender dysphoria. Disunufied, I drown the feelings in my words, be they in the format of an ebook, or of longer, scarier and redder scars on my forearms.

I then reach for a knife, stick it into my chest, supplementing my grief and sorrow with a few final screeches.